Labour and Social Development in Malaysia

Labour and Social Development:equal footing, for mutual benefit, growth and
Improve Protection of Labouring Communitiesdevelopment. Tripartism, so conceived, does not
By M. Nadarajahexist in Malaysia. Consider the Employees
The Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC)Provident Fund for instance. The EPF resources
organized a national workshop on ‘Taxationderive from the accumulated contributions of
and Social Development’ in Kuala Lumpur, onemployers and workers. The government should
12 - 13 June 2002. The national workshop formedassume the role of trusteeship and be responsible
part of an ICFTU-APRO response to the 1997for regulation. In reality, the government enjoys
Asian financial crisis which was concerned toundue privilege in the deployment of EPF money.
understand the crisis affected social developmentGiven the serious lack of transparency, the
and the social protection of labour in particular.government’s interventions in the use of EPF
The ICFTU-APRO holds that national governmentsmoney do not really benefit labour. Funds have
are responsible for funding the maintenance ofbeen used to save and salvage bad investments
social safety nets and social development throughbut not provide for retrenched workers who
taxation. Hence, the ICFTU-APRO conductsneed critical support in times of crisis. If the official
country case studies to examine taxation andtax strategy benefits business, the savings of
social development and holds national workshopsworkers have also been used to benefit business.
to discuss such issues with trade unionists.As yet, there is simply no tripartism as mature,
The Kuala Lumpur workshop noted that whileinstitutionalised, democratic and transparent
Malaysia has a reasonably well-developed socialpractice.
security system for labour, certain critical issues10. Unionisation and the Informal Sector
call for reflection and closer attention.The state’s pro-business authoritarian and
1. Caring Society?paternalistic attitudes contribute to the present
The social agenda of Malaysian national policieslow level of unionisation. Malaysia has over 500
since the New Economic Policy bear implicit as wellunions. Yet only about 10 per cent of those
as direct references to creating a ‘caringemployed are unionised. Workers in the informal
society’. For labour, however, the situationsector, estimated to be half the employed, have
appears to show a movement away from ahave no union protection. Their inability to join
caring society to ‘high social risk society’,unions denies them the social protection that
and an unjust one.comes through collective agreement between
2. Malaysia Incorporated and Social Policyunions and employers. Generally, such a situation
The social development policy is located within thelimits the power of workers to influence social
framework of Malaysia Inc. which is itselfdevelopment policies. The workers’ influence
embedded in a larger ‘economic growthis diminished by stringent laws which restrict free
framework’. This framework is highlyassociation, vague definitions of “national
influenced by neo-liberal ideology, geared towardssecurity”, prohibition of political party affiliation,
capitalist notions of profit-making and wealthand the absence of systematic representation of
creation and characterised by skewed patterns ofworkers’ interests in Parliament. Given the
income distribution. Thus, the economic security ofreal vulnerability of unionists to repressive laws like
businesses is more crucial than the social securitythe Internal Security Act, not even a token seat
of workers.in the Senate can truly benefit the needs of the
3. Privatisation and Redistribution of Wealthlabour movement.
Malaysia basically adopts an economic growth11. Contradictory Legislation
model that assumes that a dynamic economy willThere is a major contradiction between the
benefit all citizens. However, growth andprovisions of the Employment Act and the
redistribution are different issues. We requireCompany Act. Since the economic and political
comprehensive and sustainable wealthenvironment privilege employers over workers,
redistribution policies to benefit all citizens, and thethe Company Act generally takes precedence
‘losers’ in particular. There was a focusover the Employment Act. For example, when a
on redistribution in the 1970s. The policies ofcompany enters receivership before closure, the
privatization which emerged in the early 1980s,chances that workers will receive what is due to
though, tended not just to reduce governmentalthem are rather slim. The occupy the bottom of
inefficiency but also the government’s role inthe list of those who are to be paid. Such a
wealth redistribution as an important social goal.situation exposes workers to high levels of
Privatisation and economic liberalization assumeinsecurity in terms of losing their jobs and their
that the market is the most suitable vehicle toearnings. This basic and unfair contradiction must
achieve redistribution. But it is well established thatbe resolved to protect the interests of workers.
privatisation benefits corporations far more than12. Unrealistic Retirement Age
individual citizens with the result that in Malaysia,Generally there is little appreciation of labour’s
the income share of the lowest 40% ofcontribution to improvements in the quality of life
households was only 12.9 per cent, according to athat Malaysia has achieved. There is also little
1996 income distribution report.sensitivity to how changes in the quality of life
4. 'Culture of Privatisation' and Social Protectionmay adversely affect workers and their families.
The culture of privatisation, as mentality andLife expectancy has increased so that it now
institutionalised practice, has spread from theexceeds 70 years (with women living slightly
economy to the social sectors. The governmentlonger than men). Even so, the retirement age is
has increasingly reduced its provision of socialstill fixed at the outdated level of 55 years, with
protection and shifted its responsibility to thethe private sector following the public sector in
individual and the family. This is in fact a centralthis matter. With longer life expectancy, there is
part of Vision 2020 and the caring society, and aan urgent need to avoid an early retirement which
tendency towards the privatization — ratherexposes workers to greater insecurity and
than the socialisation — of social protection.psychological stress in the post-retirement period.
Some support this shift on grounds that theRetiring people early to absorb younger workers,
government cannot indefinitely support socialand thereafter claiming low unemployment rates
safety net programmes. Yet a culture ofonly manipulates numbers without addressing the
privatization upsets priorities and introduces aunemployment problem of early retirees.
careless, high-risk society. For instance, if healthIt is also necessary to reconsider the retirement
services are privatized, the best health care wouldage because of the increase in the average age
be available only to those who can afford it, notat marriage. from 20 years to 30 years.
necessarily to those who need it. PrivatisationConsequently more and more workers retire
displaces real ‘need’ with marketwhile thei children are still at school. Workers are
‘demand’.increasingly burdened with providing education to
5. The Familytheir young and completing payments for houses
Existing family-centred action programmes areand/or vehicles out of their pension or EPF
hardly commensurate with the stresses to whichpayments. Often many families are thereby
the family is exposed today. While housing for theplaced at great social risk owing to inadequate or
poor is much too politicised, housing for poorrapidly depleted funds.
labour is not a priority. Studies confirm the13. Post-retirement Poverty
government’s poor performance in this area.Post-retirement poverty is becoming a serious, if
In addition, existing low cost housing does notneglected, social issue. Malaysia’s first
provide comfortable living space for an extendedgeneration of industrial workers — those
family, which indirectly neglects the olderstarted work in the late 1960s or the early 1970s
generation and children, especially in families where— have either retired or are close to
both husband and wife are working.retirement. Many among them are floor level
Long working hours deprive breadwinners of theworkers who will retire with EPF sums of
opportunity to spend quality time at home. TheRM70,000 or less. Amounts of this size will be
family is all too often subjected to stresses arisingexhausted in about four years of retirement.
from a poorly protected post-retirement period,Thus, on average, 60-year retirees will find their
poorly regulated retrenchment, involuntaryfinancial resources exhausted and be forced to
unemployment, lack of labour protection in thespend their remaining years being dependent on
informal sector, absence of unemploymentothers. This is symptomatic of the emergence of
benefits, and the need for double jobs to makea new category of disguised poverty and high
ends meet.insecurity.
Decision-making power over the use of communal14. Problems of EPF
or collective resources, including financial andEmbodying a compulsory savings strategy, the
productive resources, along with changingEPF offers social protection to individual workers
ownership patterns, has not shifted towardsthrough their own savings, supplemented by
individual workers or their families. Processes andemployer’s contributions. However, EPF faces
policies to shape and strengthen a self-consciousa number of problems. One critical problem is
civil society in which the family plays an importantrelated to the use of EPF money and its
comprehensive role are almost non-existent. Ininvestments. EPF’s Investments are not
effect, indiscriminate privatisation andsubject to established principles of transparency.
marketisation — of health care services, forNor are they decided according to a stringent and
example — expose the family to high levels offair practice of tripartism.
social risks.There are also problems with EPF’s various
6. A Vulnerable Economic Systempre-retirement withdrawal schemes. Schemes
The prevailing economic strategy of ‘growthwhich are linked to education, house payment or
with redistribution’ stresses ‘growth’computer purchase defeat EPF’s fundamental
in the belief that a high performing economy willpurpose which is ensure workers an acceptable
enable social development to take care of itself.degree of post-retirement security. Moreover,
However, the long-term sustainability of oursuch schemes effectively transfer the
economy in its present shape is questionable. Priorgovernment’s role in social protection to
to 1997, the economy seemingly did well withindividual workers.
approximately 8 % growth. But the 1997 financialA third major problem arises after a
crisis exposed many weaknesses inherent in theworker’s entire EPF contribution is withdrawn.
economy, such as a serious lack of mechanismsThe total withdrawal of a worker’s EPF
for effective development of technology, a lackcontribution in the form of a lump-sum payment
of ransparency and good corporate governance,assumes that the money can then be invested in
and pervasive cronyism). Our system registersproductive economic activity. Retirees are
5.6 in a ‘Corruption Perception Index’somehow expected to turn into businesspeople or
(‘0’ for highly corrupt and ‘10’investors who can provide for themselves. This is
for highly clean) and is placed 36th in thea spurious assumption. It is highly unlikely that
Transparency International’s list.most retirees can afford major investments.
7. Regressive Taxation SystemEspecially for lower-level workers in a turbulent
The Malaysian tax system hardly helps workerseconomic environment, the investment of funds
and their families. The tax system virtuallywithdrawn from EPF rarely provides a secure
institutionalises an indirect tax regime. A projectionpost-retirement income.
of tax revenues from 2000 to 2005 indicatesBy now it is well known that the insurance
that personal income tax will drop by about 0.5%industry has long had its eye on EPF’s
while sales tax will increase by about 10%. Insteadenormous resources. The insurance industry
of being premised on progressive redistribution,knows it can harvest huge profits if EPF money is
the Malaysian tax structure is fast becomingmade available to the industry. Already the
regressive, pro-business and pro-rich. Indirectindustry has offered some ill-conceived pension
taxation in a highly unequal society results inschemes which are not advantageous to
regressive distribution where the tax burden shiftsworkers’ interests. Unlike the attractive
to and hurts the poor.government pension scheme, private-sector
To increase its tax revenues, the governmentprofit-driven schemes must be very carefully and
should expand the ‘net’ of taxation tostrictly regulated to prevent workers from losing
levy taxes on currency transaction (‘Tobininstead of gaining from those schemes.
Tax’), foreign direct investment, transfer15. Minimum Wage And Unemployment Benefits
pricing, internet commerce (‘bit tax’), andMalaysia has no statutory provision for either
the environment (‘green’). It goesminimum wage or unemployment benefit. The
without saying that a fairer tax system based onMTUC has proposed a minimum wage of RM900
increased revenues will contribute immensely tothat guarantees the basic needs of the labouring
social development.community. The MTUC’s proposal would also
8. Crisis Managementbe dynamic, that is, adjusted with changing times.
Labouring communities need support during crisesThe government has not accepted the proposal.
not of their own making but which result fromBoth the government and business take a
economy’s underlying growth model. Malaysianegative attitude towards unemployment benefits.
has some social protection programmes but it hasIn particular, business considers that a society that
neither institutionalised the social protection ofprovides institutionalised support for unemployed
labour nor established an ongoing crisis responseworkers will place an extra financial burden on
mechanism. The National Economic Recovery Plan,business sector and encourage a ‘dole
designed by the National Economic Action Councilmentality’.
(NEAC) to manage the impact of the 199716. Targeting
financial crisis, should be amenable to long termThere is clearly a need for a proper strategy of
applicability, given the vulnerability of the growthtargeting to realise social protection for labour. In
model to periodic crisis. As it is, any socialMalaysia, the only well developed strategy of
protection in times of crisis is provided ad hoc andtargeting is linked to the government’s
amounts to little more than a ‘one-timeaffirmative action policy. This policy is itself based
dispensation’.on exclusive ethnic principles rather than inclusive
9. Tripartismeconomic principles. In the long run, such policies
Tripartism presupposes a process by whichand their politically motivated targeting strategies
workers, employers and the government resolveare harmful to the overall social security of
their differences and promote cooperation, on anworkers regardless of ethnicity.